In an essay published in The New York Times
entitled “What the Left Misses About Nationalism”, John
Judis duly catalogs the outrages of our Caesar Disgustus as he
postures as the champion of American nationalism. He also repeats
the oft-told tales of legions left behind by the globalization of the
economic order brought about by liberal ideology. (1)
But one must be careful with the use of one's terms.
Both modern conservatism and 'liberalism' have deep roots in the
theories of classical liberal political economy dating back to Adam
Smith and those that followed him. Classical liberalism well into
the twentieth century championed the ideology of free markets and
it's adherents stood foursquare against any combinations—including
unions—that would in any way put fetters upon capital. Oh, yes,
and their fetish with the marketplace was complete.
It was only in the twentieth century that 'liberalism'
became associated with what was then known as 'progressive' politics,
reigning in the abuses of capital. Anti-trust (although the laws
were passed in the latter 19th century, they were enforced
mainly against unions until the twentieth) action, regulations and
then social programs were introduced tentatively under Teddy
Roosevelt and became increasingly the palliative in later
administrations until, by mid-century, the term 'liberal' had nearly
lost its original meaning, fixed in the public mind with a brand of
'socialism' in the form of unemployment compensation, social
security, medicare and medicaid, worker's compensation, and welfare.
But the 'left' as we understand the term here in the
United States, had never fully divorced itself from the free
market origins of it's 'ideology'. The 'left', such as it is,
would always prefer deregulation if given the chance, work to welfare
if pressed, and a corporate 'free market' approach to health care.
It was, after all, Jimmy Carter—not Ronald Reagan—who first led
the country on a campaign to deregulate industry (2). And it was
'The Left' that abandoned its own creation, organized labor,
during the Carter years. An abandonment confirmed by the subsequent
administrations of Clinton and Obama.
To complete the confusion, American Conservatism has
re-embraced these origins calling themselves 'neo-liberal', in
a radical adoption of the 'free market' ideology of Adam Smith as
well as Ricardo's “Iron Law of Wages”, which dictates that wages
can/should never be above the level of minimum subsistence—and,
since they can only rise above this level through 'artificial'
collective actions, unions must be destroyed. Capital must be free
to run riot.
My point here is that the ruling elites of both the
'left' and the 'right', drinking the same ideological elixir, both
adhere to the same free-market and, therefore, globalist tendency.
That is why, for instance, it has made little difference to Flint,
Michigan, which political party is in power.
To put this in perspective, Bill Clinton campaigned in
1992 against the practice of giving tax breaks to corporations that
exported jobs out of the country. Democratic administrations have
come and gone; Republican administrations have come and gone. The
Democrats controlled both houses of congress and the White House for
two years under Clinton, two years under Obama. Likewise, the
Republicans under Bush and now this idiot. Still the practice
remains. Why? Because both parties are controlled by disciples of
the 'free-market' imperative, both demonstrate an abhorrence to
placing any fetters upon capital.
So the headline of Mr. Judis' essay should have been
“What the Political Elites Miss About Nationalism”, for the
malady does not infect simply the 'left'. There is, in George
Wallace's memorable phrase, “not a dime's worth of difference”
between the parties, from the Rockefeller Republicans to the Clinton
Democrats, they are all singing from the same hymn book.
But Judis misses another and, I believe, much more
important point entirely. It is well and good to repeat the litany
of economic destruction left in the wake of this headlong rush to
globalize the economy, but there is another important consideration.
That is, one of national sovereignty. If questions of economics,
including economic justice, are left to international organizations
and tribunals, wherein lies the supremacy of our constitution? If
such questions are increasingly made the prerogative of international
agencies, what then is our republic left to decide? It is worth
noting that most of the peoples on this planet have little or no such
political tradition, and many of those that do have come to it only
recently. In many quarters the values we hold dear are anathema. It
was the prospect of unelected international tribunals with
jurisdiction over the sovereign acts of elected representatives that
led many of us to balk at the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
So, the question remains, why would we place the
'business' of the country into such hands? The nationalism
represented so reprehensibly by Disgustus and others around the globe
has, nevertheless, legitimacy and must be taken seriously.
That's why I supported Bernie Sanders in 2016, because
the question before us then was who would emerge as the voice of
these concerns? The Russians answered that question for us, and so
did both the Rescumlickan and the Democratic Parties.
“An'
Br'er Putin, he jus' laugh and laugh”
Impeach and Imprison.
_________________
- Judis, John B. “What the Left Misses About Nationalism” The New York Times. Tuesday, October 16, 2018: Page A23
- Carter deregulated the transportation industry, airlines and trucking, setting off a national movement of deregulation and, in the process, making the idiot actor from California much more palatable.
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