“The much anticipated
'happy hour' known euphemistically as 'Mueller Time' produced not a
heavy German Lager, but a Bush-Lite”
----from
“The Quotations of Chairman Joe”
Yes, Mueller Time—a play on the old Miller beer
commercials—proved not to be a 'happy hour' for the republic, but a
dud—a milquetoast response to a national emergency where the
authorities demonstrated more concern for their institutional
survival than with a serious inquiry into truth. It reminds me of
the way the agencies circled the wagon in the aftermath of Dallas,
and this exercise in transparency will be greeted with a skepticism
bordering on cynicism.
What
was released was a tepid four page summary by the Attorney General
chosen by Disgustus for the occasion. William Barr, it will be
recalled, campaigned for his appointment by writing memos expressing
support of vast executive power as well as the curious argument that
the president cannot commit obstruction of justice because he
controls the process, an opinion not shared previously, most notably
in the case of Richard Shithouse Nixon. Barr is also the one who
penned the pardons issued by George H.W. Bush< on his way out the
door after losing re-election to Bill Clinton, to former Defense
Secretary Caspar Weinberger, Eliot Abrams, Duane Clarridge, Alan
Fiers, Clair George and Robert McFarlane for their involvement in the
Iran-Contra affair. (1) Note that not only has Barr re-surfaced
here, but Eliot Abrams is back in the saddle committing once again
mischief in Latin America.
Barr
is, as Disgustus wishes, doing his job. He is doing his best to
obstruct by falsely summarizing the report, suggesting that “Mr.
Mueller and his team were unable to establish that anyone connected
to the Trump campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian
government when it interfered to help Mr. Trump in the 2016
presidential campaign”. (2) This
is an interesting and highly misleading parsing of words, since it
narrowly defines the conclusion to conspiracy with the 'Russian
Government' which could well exclude shadowing intermediaries with
known connections to Putin but who do not hold 'official'
governmental positions. But the idea that there was no conspiracy
nor coordination is laughable on its face. How else then to explain
the 180 degree about-face on the Ukraine taken at the Rescumlican
National Convention? How else to explain all the Russians hanging
about the convention and the inauguration? How else to explain the
email sent from the Russians to Donny Jr. suggesting in September
2016 that tRUMP tell the country that if he loses he will question
the legitimacy of the results and then, within days, tRUMP is out on
the stump declaring just that? How else to explain Manafort passing
polling information to Russian nationals known to have connection
with Russian intelligence? How else to explain at least two
attempts—one by Jared Kushner and the other by the mercenary Eric
Prince—to establish back channels to the Kremlin presumably
protected from discovery by our intelligence agencies? How else to
explain tens of millions of dollars funneled through the NRA into the
tRUMP's campaign as well as the RNC and several congressional
campaigns. The fact is that these crimes were committed in full
sight and must be accounted for.
As
of this writing we don't know to what degree the investigation
plumbed the depths of infamy, but we suspect that there is a lot of
incriminating evidence. What is clear is that at a minimum the
snot-nosed larvae is guilty of lying to Congress as is the Son-in-law
and why there were no further indictments relating to obstruction of
justice by members of the immediate family remains an outrage.
One
suspects that from the outset the FBI thought foremost of it's
institutional survival and was motivated accordingly. One is
reminded here of the fiasco over the Clinton emails, telling the
nation that there wasn't enough evidence to indict but chiding her
for being fast and loose with state secrets. It was a formula that,
in the end, satisfied no one. Here the Bureau is once again trying
to parse the issue, in effect slapping the president on the wrist and
telling our errant Disgustus that he is a naughty little boy for
engaging—knowingly or not—with foreign adversaries to subvert the
electoral processes of the country. But the every juvenile and
delinquent Disgustus will lean no lessons from this, except that once
again he has bluffed his way out of trouble.
Let
there be no mistake about it. This is an institutional failure. It
is a failure of the Congress to act responsibly by itself taking on
the investigations, complete with professional investigators and
prosecutors—as in the Watergate affair. It wasn't the FBI that
investigated Nixon, it was the Congress. Instead the Congress palmed
this off to the F.B.I., and then, with the firing of James Comey, the
newly appointed Special Council. This put the agency right in the
cross hairs of partisan bickering, a position from which it was
busing trying to free itself in the wake of the Clinton imbroglio.
It is a no-win situation for Mueller and the agency he served and
reveres. What else can we expect then, but a report that, in effect,
neither indicts nor exonerates? What Mueller is saying—and can
only say if he wants to protect his agency from withering partisan
retaliation—is “here is the evidence, you decide.” The
problem is that the law establishing the probe dictates the report
goes not to Congress or the people but to the Attorney General who on
his own decides what evidence we will see; and so far the evidence,
such as it is, is not forthcoming.
There
is, no doubt, enough in this investigation to warrant thorough
hearings, and continued prosecutions. The problem is political will.
Last week the House voted 420-0 for the full release of the Mueller
report. In the wake of the obscenity released by Barr over t he
weekend, we shall see if the Congress has the courage of it's
convictions.
This
is the most corrupt administration in the history of this republic.
It is also the most contemptuous of the law. The longer this is
allowed to continue the greater the damage to the institutions and
the rule of law; the weaker our country, the more fragile our
international standing.
“An
Br'er Putin, he jus' laugh and laugh”
Impeach
and Imprison.
______________________
- Editorial, “No Collusion, No Exoneration” The New York Times. Monday, March 25, 2019 Page A22
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